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В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси? (Прочитано 561596 раз)
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7440 - 13.08.2018 :: 17:25:12
 
Roxsalan писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:21:59:
НВД писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 11:26:49:
Про ruotsi можно напомнить? Там вообще аргумент один.

Ruotsi это притча во языцех, о них трудно забыть.


То ли дело "степной гарнизон"! Это вообще забыть невозможно.
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7441 - 13.08.2018 :: 17:25:26
 
иван васильевич писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 11:58:31:
Начал бы не с рек, а гор.

Обоснование?
иван васильевич писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 11:58:31:
Приволжская возвышенность?

Русы там где? И какая арх. культура им соответствует?
иван васильевич писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 11:58:31:
Какие еще варианты?

Донецкий кряж
иван васильевич писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 11:58:31:
А это что за гора та же или другая?

эти горы по факту метафизика. Т.е. нечто абстрактное.
иван васильевич писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 11:58:31:
Славяне, скорее всего, вятичи.

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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7442 - 13.08.2018 :: 17:27:36
 
Evgen11 писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:25:12:
То ли дело "степной гарнизон"! Это вообще забыть невозможно.

Женя, вас заклинило? Впрочем, это единственное что вы как мантру здесь повторяете. Я вас снова и снова советую с этим вопросом к скандинавским археологам обратиться. это они, а не я придумал.
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7443 - 13.08.2018 :: 17:39:14
 
Roxsalan писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:27:36:
Evgen11 писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:25:12:
То ли дело "степной гарнизон"! Это вообще забыть невозможно.

Женя, вас заклинило? Впрочем, это единственное что вы как мантру здесь повторяете. Я вас снова и снова советую с этим вопросом к скандинавским археологам обратиться. это они, а не я придумал.


Да знаю я. Просто с вашим фанатизмом, вам все бесполезно.
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7444 - 13.08.2018 :: 17:46:28
 
Evgen11 писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:39:14:
Да знаю я. Просто с вашим фанатизмом, вам все бесполезно.

Женя, нет никакого фанатизма, есть сопоставление реальностей и фактов. Я никогда не отрицал наличие скандинавов там, где они действительно были.
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7445 - 13.08.2018 :: 17:53:03
 
Roxsalan писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:46:28:
Evgen11 писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:39:14:
Да знаю я. Просто с вашим фанатизмом, вам все бесполезно.

Женя, нет никакого фанатизма, есть сопоставление реальностей и фактов. Я никогда не отрицал наличие скандинавов там, где они действительно были.


Есть. Абсолютный и беспощадный фанатизм.
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7446 - 13.08.2018 :: 18:09:00
 
Evgen11 писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:53:03:
Есть. Абсолютный и беспощадный фанатизм.

Женя, ваше откровенное пустословие с отрицанием мнения самих норманистов и оскорбительными выпадами в адрес историков и археологов, которым вы и в подметки не годитесь и есть самый настоящий норманофанатизм, который вы возвели в крайнюю степень абсурда, дополнив его неприкрытым троллингом и флудом. По существу вопроса в данной теме  вы не написали ни строчки. Только одно бесконечное бла-бла-бла.
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7447 - 13.08.2018 :: 18:34:12
 
Roxsalan писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 11:09:07:
Давно высказывались предположения что Арта или Арса это СМК.

СМК, в данном случае - наслоение на местных славян.
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7448 - 13.08.2018 :: 18:43:31
 
Roxsalan писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:27:36:
Evgen11 писал(а) Сегодня :: 17:25:12:
То ли дело "степной гарнизон"! Это вообще забыть невозможно.

Женя, вас заклинило? Впрочем, это единственное что вы как мантру здесь повторяете. Я вас снова и снова советую с этим вопросом к скандинавским археологам обратиться. это они, а не я придумал.


Какие-то наёмники могли быть, как и просто использование элементов материальной культуры, трактуется так:

Stylistic Elements
The style of dress and objects linked to dress show great influence from Persian culture. Composite belts of eastern origin display bronze fittings decorated with palmettos, acanthus scrolls, and the like, following the Sasanian or rather post-Sasanian stylistic tradition (fig. 5.2). The composite belts found in Birka came from areas that had administered the Sasanian heritage, such as the Volga Bulgars. The Volga Bulgars were mounted nomads from the Eurasian steppes, and contacts between Birka and the Volga Bulgar region seem to have been extensive. The warriors in the garrison show signs of direct and intense contacts which provided them with knowledge and skills in advanced fighting techniques.25
Birka also displays an interesting Magyar element present both in the garrison and in the burials (fig. 5.3). There is still much research to be done in the field of Scandinavian-Magyar contacts in the Viking Age. There are however limited but obvious evidence of direct contacts which resulted in the spread of objects both in Scandinavia and in Hungary.26 In Birka the Magyar elements are linked to the art of eastern archery with composite bows and closed quivers.27

The use of caftans as a part of male dress, visible both in the garrison and in the burials, can be derived from contacts with steppe nomads but also with the powerful Byzantine Empire.28 Birka in general, and the garrison in particular, hold surprisingly many objects displaying Byzantine traits. That these features are present even in the settlements in early Rus’ is perhaps less surprising as there was a well-known and better-documented connection between, for example, Kiev and Constantinople. But how is this material to be interpreted in Birka? Is it a result of contacts or influences coming directly from the powerful Byzantine Empire or mere reflections, filtered through a series of other, intermediary cultures and contacts? Birka was considered a part of an extensive but close-knit Rus’ network; the focus is thus redirected to what interest Byzantium had in late tenth-century Rus’. Trade was well-established though it would become more extensive in the decades to come. The emerging Kievan state posed a military threat to Constantinople. Trade and warfare

were most likely the foundations of these contacts, but there was yet another aspect - that of the imperial guards. Examples of Byzantine objects in the Birka context are the rare coins minted during the reign of Theophilus and the mounts of a possible helmet produced in the border zones of the Byzantine Empire.29

Though Rus’ in a Birka context is a tenth-century phenomenon, the interactions between groups of people that ultimately formed the Rus’ culture began much earlier. In the mid-eighth century Scandinavians formed an active part of the inhabitants of the early Rus’ settlement or proto-town of Staraya Ladoga. Scandinavian migration continued east along the Volga River in the following centuries to reach the region of the Volga Bulgars. The interaction between Scandinavians, Slavs, and steppe-nomadic Volga Bulgars is visible in the presence of objects and burial customs of the settlements along the Volga route. Even though the objects clearly derive from different cultural groups, no particular segregation of individuals from the different cultures was made in the burial fields. The first step towards a new cultural expression had been taken.30

По: https://books.google.ru/books?id=kdjzDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA97&lpg=PA97&dq=Birka+garrison...
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7449 - 13.08.2018 :: 18:52:15
 
Livepodvodnik писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 06:07:11:
трактат Худуд аль-алам

Часть своих сведений о русах анонимный автор "Худуд ал-Алам" взял либо у ал-Истархи, либо у Ибн Хаукаля (последние строки, во-всяком случае, о русах).
Непонятно, зачем тогда надо было его приводить, если есть оригинальный источник?
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7450 - 13.08.2018 :: 18:56:28
 
upasaka писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 10:28:19:
"Исторический" подход...

Нормальный логический.
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7451 - 13.08.2018 :: 19:07:48
 
иван васильевич писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 11:58:31:
Славяне, скорее всего, вятичи.

Районом, откуда в последней четверти I тысячелетия н. э. неоднократно осуществлялось перемещение славян на р. Воронеж, являлось Днепровское Правобережье. Не исключается и наличие вятического населения в рассматриваемом регионе
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7452 - 13.08.2018 :: 19:11:07
 
scriptorru писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 18:56:28:
Нормальный логический.

Где здесь логика - "не нашли, но было..." для историка это неприемлемо.
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7453 - 13.08.2018 :: 19:17:36
 
upasaka писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 19:11:07:
Где здесь логика - "не нашли, но было..." для историка это неприемлемо.


Логика в том, что если не нашли, еще не значит, что не было ...)) Смайл Бывает, находят чуть позднее Подмигивание
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7454 - 13.08.2018 :: 19:24:02
 
scriptorru писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 19:17:36:
Бывает, находят чуть позднее

Удачи...
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7455 - 13.08.2018 :: 19:37:29
 
О степном гарнизоне в Бирке, конечно, не приходится говорить, скорее об отдельных представителях, венгров например ...

The burials of Eastern-type archers
There is more evidence to be found in the burial sites. The Birka complex contains over 3000 burials. More than 1100 were excavated in the late nineteenth century and these form an extensive archive covering the burial-practice and
material culture of the settlement’s inhabitants.
Of the several burials containing objects of Eastern origin, two are of particular interest for this paper. Although different in burial practice, they both contain the particular fittings of the closed quiver, indicating that archery equipment was a component of the grave goods. Grave Bj 996
12
is a cremation buried underneath a mound, the traditional burial  practice of the
Mälar region.
Since the grave gifts are cremated, the remains are few and fragmentary. Apart from the few objects that can be linked to the closed quiver, the burial included gaming pieces, bread and a possible writing tablet, all of which indicate the high social standing of the buried individual. As with the burial  practice, the gifts follow regional traditional customs. The fittings for the closed quiver make this particular burial stand out. Other pieces of archery equipment have not been found. The bow would not have survived the funeral-pyre, but there is also a lack of arrow-heads. The grave goods and the burial practice indicate that

the interred was a male of Scandinavian origin, or possibly someone who had assimilated fully into Viking-Age society. The other burial in question is a so-called chamber grave (Bj 1125b).
13
This  particular burial practice is a somewhat rare bird in most places where it occurs. Having no geographical place of origin, the custom tends to be connected to the cosmopolitan centers of trade, mainly along the Eastern trade route. Traditionally, Scandinavian burial practice included cremation and a mound super-structure. Chamber-graves are instead inhumations, where the deceased is placed into an underground chamber without a defining superstructure. In some cases, the chamber graves are man-and-horse burials where the horse is placed
at the man’s
feet on a special ledge. The chamber-grave Bj 1125b was located in close proximity to the town rampart, a place of special importance that also emphasized the relation between the deceased and the town. The grave could, to my mind, be interpreted as a burial of a mounted Eastern-type archer, complete with quiver, bow case and horse. The collection of arrows included was a mixture of different types, not necessarily typical for an Eastern archer. Interesting parallels to chamber-grave Bj 1125b can  be seen in burials interpreted as Magyar warrior graves. One example is a burial
from Przemyśl, Poland.
14
The buried horse is in this case placed alongside the interred. The closed quiver was placed hanging from the right hip and following down the full length of the upper part of the leg, possibly even longer. Other  parallels have been presented by Hungarian researcher L. Kovacs, who acknowledged the parallels between man-and-horse burials in Magyar Hungary and a couple of the chamber graves in Birka.

144 Scandinavia and the Balkans the interred was a male of Scandinavian origin, or possibly someone who had assimilated fully into Viking-Age society. The other burial in question is a so-called chamber grave (Bj 1125b).
13
This  particular burial practice is a somewhat rare bird in most places where it occurs. Having no geographical place of origin, the custom tends to be connected to the cosmopolitan centers of trade, mainly along the Eastern trade route. Traditionally, Scandinavian burial practice included cremation and a mound super-structure. Chamber-graves are instead inhumations, where the deceased is placed into an underground chamber without a defining superstructure. In some cases, the chamber graves are man-and-horse burials where the horse is placed
at the man’s
feet on a special ledge. The chamber-grave Bj 1125b was located in close proximity to the town rampart, a place of special importance that also emphasized the relation between the deceased and the town. The grave could, to my mind, be interpreted as a burial of a mounted Eastern-type archer, complete with quiver, bow case and horse. The collection of arrows included was a mixture of different types, not necessarily typical for an Eastern archer. Interesting parallels to chamber-grave Bj 1125b can  be seen in burials interpreted as Magyar warrior graves. One example is a burial
from Przemyśl, Poland.
14
The buried horse is in this case placed alongside the interred. The closed quiver was placed hanging from the right hip and following down the full length of the upper part of the leg, possibly even longer. Other  parallels have been presented by Hungarian researcher L. Kovacs, who acknowledged the parallels between man-and-horse burials in Magyar Hungary and a couple of the chamber graves in Birka.
15

По: Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson Close Encounters with the Byzantine Border Zones: On the Eastern Connection of the Birka Warrior https://www.academia.edu/16566287/Close_Encounters_with_the_Byzantine_Border_Zon...
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7456 - 13.08.2018 :: 19:43:24
 
scriptorru писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 19:37:29:
О степном гарнизоне в Бирке, конечно, не приходится говорить,


Слава одину.
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7457 - 13.08.2018 :: 20:40:17
 
upasaka писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 19:07:48:
Районом, откуда в последней четверти I тысячелетия н. э. неоднократно осуществлялось перемещение славян на р. Воронеж, являлось Днепровское Правобережье. Не исключается и наличие вятического населения в рассматриваемом регионе

Надо понимать Воронеж которая впадает в Дон.
У меня возражений нет, а вятичей упомянул - как наиболее близких к тому району.

Roxsalan писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:25:26:
Обоснование?

Рекам труднее найти соответствие.
Мы смотрим, к примеру на исток Дон, а у арабов это мог быть Хопер или еще что...тот же Воронеж.

Roxsalan писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:25:26:
Донецкий кряж

Далеко от Булгара. это не значит, что руси там никогда не было - но в данном случае речь, как по мне, о более северных районах.

Roxsalan писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:25:26:
Русы там где? И какая арх. культура им соответствует?

А где их соседи по тексту венгры и печенеги?
И где их культура?
Такое впечатление, что русь находилась в движении, как и венгры с печенегами. Очень трудно локализовать во времени и пространстве.

Roxsalan писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 17:25:26:
эти горы по факту метафизика. Т.е. нечто абстрактное.

Тоже можно сказать и реках.

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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7458 - 14.08.2018 :: 01:48:35
 
scriptorru писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 19:37:29:
О степном гарнизоне в Бирке, конечно, не приходится говорить, скорее об отдельных представителях, венгров например ...

Не только венгров.

"An important parallel to the archery equipment in the Garrison has beenfound in Birka grave Bj1125b. This chamber grave contained the inhumatedremains of an individual and a horse. The rare composition of grave con-tents suggests the interpretation that the interred was a mounted archer of Eastern type. The grave goods include a bundle of arrows, very specificmounts from an Eastern so called closed quiver, and a button of a typeusually associated with the caftan or oriental-style dress. The presence of such a grave in Birka supports the idea that there couldhave been accomplished Eastern type archers active in the defence of Birka....Thus the composite bow and the oriental mounts found in the Garrisonhave been characterised as key evidence in the question of the identity andcultural affiliations of Birka’s warriors (Hedenstierna-Jonson & HolmquistOlausson 2006). Together with the rest of the weapons and equipment, themounts help to define the complete attire of an Eastern warrior, thus reveal-ing a close connection with the mounted warrior of the steppe nomads (cf.Gorelik 2002:145). The complexity and repetitiveness of the panoplies(complete sets of armour) found in the Garrison indicate that their equip-ment at least to some extent was in accordance with the fighting techniqueof the mounted nomadic warriors. The use of the composite bow as sug-gested above supports this assumption. Still, there were obvious differences – in culture and way of living. The itinerant lifestyle of the nomads was re-placed by a more stationary life and there is a great difference concerning the most important symbol of all of nomadic life – the horse.... Another stratagem of steppe nomadic origin, and practised by medievalforces in western Europe, was the well-known trick of feigned flight (Hidán1996; Nithard describes the feigned flight performed in the battle at Wormsin 842; Halsall 2003:118, 189). These distinct forms of warfare technique,both required extensive training, but also suitable terrain, and though theBirka warriors surely were accustomed to the tactic of the feigned flight inboth theory and practice, they could probably not, for other reasons, use themore advanced forms of nomadic mounted warfare.In the particular case of the composite bow, it is highly probable that the warriors from Birka’s Garrison could utilize it when mounted, and even if horses not were employed in the battle of the Garrison, these warriors weretrained in the art of mounted warfare and accustomed to the use of cavalry in a battle situation. At the time of the Birka warrior, the Northmen restedupon a long and continuous tradition of mounted warfare, and according toErik Nylén and Bertil Almgren there was knowledge and even use of thecomposite bow ever since the 5 th
century, when they came in contact withthe Huns (Almgren 1963; Gamber 1968; Nylén 1982; Nylén & Schönbäck 1994; Engström 1994; 1997; 2001.... Birka warriors
If we accept Franklin’s statements on what constitutes Rus’ identity, in what way does this apply to the warriors from Birka’s Garrison? The answer is inthe full picture, in the complexity and at the same time homogeneity of thematerial culture. The Garrison displays a material culture that was intendedfor use and as such it was predisposed to be functional. The warriors in theGarrison were not mere receivers of imported prestigious goods that heldthe function of being exotic or high status symbols. They were very discimi-nating users of these goods, and well aware of both the functional use andthe symbolic value of the objects. This suggests that the warriors in Birka’sGarrison actually identified themselves with Rus’ culture, something thathowever does not automatically mean that they were of a different geo-graphical or even cultural origin than the other inhabitants of the area. Thedifferences between the warriors in Birka and the people living in the Mälar Valley region and other parts of eastern Sweden, may not have been culturalbut, as Siân Jones puts it, “rather a consciousness of difference reproducedin the context of ongoing social interaction” (Jones 1996:71). In other wordsand in accordance with Jones’ definition, the Rus’ formed an ethnic groupand set themselves apart from the people they interacted with in that region.In the absence of actual cultural or geographical differences, the Rus’ iden-tity had to be expressed in their material culture, in which they could mani-fest their particularity... The Oriental style
One feature of Rus’ expression, and the main topic of paper IV, is the so-called ‘Oriental style’ found in Ancient Rus’ as well as in Birka. Usually theterm Oriental style alludes to the stylistic complex based on palmetts andscrolls designed in concordance with art from Islamic areas. It constitutes aforeign element in northern art and style during the Viking Age and is re-garded as an import from eastern territories. While the name derives from Ture Arne and his important work on Sweden and the Orient (1911; 1914)there is no actual consensus as to place of oriental origin. The issue has beendominated by the discussion concerning the origin of Birka’s oriental dresscustoms. Inga Hägg considers the silk and metal braids found in Birka’sgraves to be evidence of an oriental court dress related to the ByzantineEmpire (Hägg 1983; 2002; 2003). Ingmar Jansson instead emphasises thesteppe nomadic and Persian impact on Birka dress, reflecting a generalizedoriental cultural influence (Jansson 1977:391; 1988:605). This cultural influ-ence was not limited to the import of prestigious objects but, according to the results of paper IV, included a certain degree of intake of ideas and values as well. The oriental style is a composite style including ornaments,dress, equipment, weaponry and possibly ideals and practices (Hedenstierna- Jonson & Holmquist Olausson 2006). To my mind, this style which inte-grates Persian, Islamic and steppe nomadic traits, originated and developedin the trading posts along the rivers of Ancient Rus’ during the late 9 th and10 th
centuries. The oriental style developed the image and allure of the ex-otic and reflected the need for a cultural expression exclusive to the inhabi-tants of these geographically dispersed trading posts. It is not only orna-ments that exhibit these orientalised features, but even dress and military equipment It is possible to interpret this as the will of the Rus’ to identify themselves with a warrior ideal and martial organisation inspired by thesuccessful steppe nomads and the superior Byzantine army.... The presence of an Eastern or oriental type of warrior in Birka has beenquestioned, and admittedly the presence of full-blood eastern warriors inBirka’s Garrison is thought-provoking indeed. Yet such scepticism must reston firm ground and not on idle speculation. The assumption that the Garri-son warrior had Rus’ affiliations finds strong support in the find-material. The Birka warriors from the late 10 th century could very likely have definedthemselves as being part of the Rus’ community, even though they wereborn in the Mälar region. The Rus’ material culture is not fixed to a certainplace or region and consists of a mixture of objects from different ethnicgroups and cultures. If it is possible to talk about a homogenous mix of cultures, this is what the Rus’ material culture display in the trading postsalong the rivers of Ancient Rus’, and in late 10
th century Birka..... The Eastern focus is clearly visible in the find-material, and thematerial culture of the warriors is no exception to this. The extensive ar-chaeological remains deriving from recent years’ excavations of Birka’s Gar-rison display a multitude of artefacts of various origins, but with strong Eastern connotations.... the closest parallels to 10 th century Birka and especially to the Garrison, islocated to a number of trading posts on the great rivers in the territory of  Ancient Rus’. It is stated that these Rus’ trading posts, essentially inhabitedby Northmen, shared a common culture – a possible Rus’ identity, main-tained throughout a vast area by means of exceptionally close contacts which put their imprint on their shared cultural expression. I point to thecreation of a Rus’ stylistic expression discernable in the archaeological mate-rial both in Birka and in Ancient Rus’ which integrates Norse, Steppe no-madic, Islamic, Byzantine and other traits. The so-called Oriental style issuggested to be a particular Rus’ style. The thesis also maintains that thecultural identity of the Rus’, together with their relations to the greater geo-graphical sphere within which they acted, are of great importance for thefurther understanding of this Eastern network of trade and political alli-ances....  With the study of the material culture of the Birka warrior, this thesis hasshown that the warriors from Birka’s Garrison had an equal part in the mar-tial development in contemporary Europe but with their own particulartraits, which included the use of advanced non-Scandinavian fighting tech-niques and symbols of rank and status deriving from the cultural sphere of the Steppe nomads. ... " (The Birka Warrior - the material culture of a martial  Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson
https://www.academia.edu/1429897/The_Birka_Warrior_-_the_material_culture_of_a_m...)

"The Magyar element
Returning to the men in the Birka garrison,there is a clear indication of closer contactswith the Magyar culture, in particular themartial culture. The weapon assemblagesfrom Birka’s Garrison, in general, give animpression of being more eastern than theRus material, showing closer links with thewarrior equipment of the nomad horsemenof the steppes. The Magyars were importantin this respect as their horsemen still re-tained their steppe-nomadic roots in their fighting techniques and equipment... The Sabretache
Awell-known insignia of the steppe no-madic warrior was the composite belt, com-monly referred to as the oriental belt, and present in many cultures along the Easternriver routes. Even in Birka there are severa examples of this type of belt and of mountsre-used into pendants. The types found in Birka, and in the Garrison are not of a predominantly Magyar type, but rather of Volga Bulgarian or Khazar origin. Closer linksare instead to be found in the pouch material. The so-called sabretache, carried by the belt together with weapons like the sabre/sword, was made of leather and its flap wasdecorated with various types of metalmounts. The tradition of decorating pouches with increasing numbers of individualmounts, eventually led to the flap becomingtotally covered by one single plate. In somecases even the bow case was decorated
(fig.3) There are a number of pouches in the Birka graves, some of which are of undisputable Magyar origin. Different types arerepresented and in the Garrison mountsfrom what can be interpreted as a sabretachehave been identified
(fig. 4). The closest parallels to the Birka sabretaches are con-centrated in the upper Tisza region in thenortheast of Hungary (cf. Horváth 1996; Nepper 1996; Révész 1996; Hedenstierna-Jonson & Holmquist Olausson 2006)....  All of the different specific objects of theEastern archer are represented in Birka.There are examples of mounts from closedquivers, as well as a worked bone attach-ment to a composite bow, the wing-shapedmount from a bow case, and possibly evena thumb-ring In the garrison several quiver mounts have been found, allowing for atleast four quivers (Lundström et al 2009) (fig. 5)... .Visitors or locals? How should the archaeological material in Birka be understood? As traces of visiting archers or as evidence that Scandinavianshad acquired the advanced archery tech-niques, the dress, and the customs of theSteppe nomads, in particularly that of theMagyar? To my mind it is clear that therewere warriors in Birka fully accomplishedin the fighting techniques and weaponry of the steppe nomads. ... There is another strong indication thatthe Magyar element in Birka was somethingthat concerned the locals. Burial 1125b,usually disregarded as incomplete, plun-dered or tampered with, should to my mind be reconsidered as it contains the fullequipment of a mounted oriental archer – and nothing more. The man has been buriedwith a horse and archery equipment, com- plete with bow case and all (cf. Arbman1943a, 1943b). The mount on the bow caseis definitely of Magyar origin, and the ar-rows were kept in a closed quiver of steppenomadic or Magyar type. Interestingly, theset up of arrows are a mixture of differenttypes, and not necessarily typical for anEastern archer (Lundström et al 2009).... Similarities and differences The archaeological remains from Birka’sGarrison show traces of well-equipped war-riors. Their dress style and weaponry wereapparently modelled on eastern tribes fromamong the mounted nomads, especially theKhazars and the Volga Bulgars, and possi- bly also the Magyars. The composition of their attire indicates that rather than import-ing them merely for prestige, they hadadopted not only the warring techniques butalso ideals that lay behind the borroweditems. " (Magyar - Rus' - Scandinavia. Cultural exchange in the early medieval period. http://www.academia.edu/2423650/Magyar_-_Rus_-_Scandinavia._Cultural_exchange_in...)

" There is still a certain neglect of Khazars in the early history of Russia, the focus being on the Viking-perspective; the situation in the former Soviet Union was an extreme example of that. The western archaeologists, on the other hand, regarded certain objects as ‘Khazar, Magyar or Alan’. The south to north interpretation of the trade and ‘colonization’ of Viking Age Russia, in the light of the new dating of chamber graves in Birka and Russia of the 9th and 10th centuries, is not only one of the possible factors. According to these new ways of looking at Birka material, most of the chamber graves with ornaments (about 120), dated to the 10th century, can be interpreted as pagan Rus with Khazar objects or, as pagan Khazar with Rus features, and often interpreted as eastern ornaments. … The belt mounts with stylized plant ornaments, as well as the heart-shaped silver amulets with a loop and plant decoration, often with animal and human figures, have been interpreted by S.A. Pletnjeva as Khazarian or Saltovo-Majaki (Pletnjeva 1967). This kind of silver ornament and the belt mounts from the 9th-10th centuries, found in Birka, was usually called oriental, and interpreted as Khazarian only by H. Arbman (Arbman 1942: 303ff; 1940-1943: tab. 95f.; Werbart 1996a: 216, fig. 7). The key question is who those easterners, living among other foreigners in Birka, wearing eastern clothing, and using eastern burial customs were? Archaeologists often suggested that these graves could be the burial of “merchant-warrior clan of Swedish nobles”. But Birka was the centre of international trade, world-wide contacts, commerce and diplomacy, with a lot of foreign merchants and emissaries, and the local nobles were not located in Birka, but in the area of King Court on Adelso, the island across the water, opposite the island of Bjorko. Nowadays it is suggested that the chamber graves are the burial of foreigners, containing a large number of eastern objects, both Khazar and Kievan Rus. This interpretation is probably still contrary to that of the archaeological majority (information from Bjorn Ambrosiani and Mats Philip, Stockholm)." (с) Werbart B. (Sweden. University of Lund) The invisible identities: cultural identity and archaeology People, material culture and environment in the North // Pr
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Re: В чём суть летописного рассказа о призвании руси?
Ответ #7459 - 14.08.2018 :: 02:12:04
 
scriptorru писал(а) 13.08.2018 :: 18:43:31:
Какие-то наёмники могли быть, как и просто использование элементов материальной культуры, трактуется так:

Трактуется по разному. Особенно когда нужно что то говорить, но при этом не хочется ничего сказать. Вот достойный тому пример

"Defining ‘Foreign’
Before posing the question of whether there were foreigners in Birka the meaning of the term mustbe clarified. Is ‘foreign’ defined by culture or ethnicity? Are ‘foreigners’ groups of people fromgeographically far-away places? Urban Birka was an innovation: the first time that people in the LakeMälaren region came together in large numbers, leaving their traditional way of life for something notpreviously experienced. In comparison to the traditional rural way of life, Birka itself was foreign.  The people in Birka were culturally part of Scandinavia, as were many throughout vastly geographically dispersed regions, from the Southern Baltic to the North Atlantic. Individuals travelling to Birka from theseplaces were all to some extent foreigners, but in other respects they were moving within their realm. There were religious differences between individuals and between groups, but also within groups. Localexpressions of religious beliefs and practice in Birka included cremations, occasionally in urns and with Thor’s-hammer rings. The people buried in chamber graves may have shared the same religion but their practices differed greatly. Even the new religion of Christianity came in many shapes and forms, making it difficult to discern Christians from pagans in the burials.  There were many groups of individuals who were not local to the regional practices or ways of life inBirka, but could these groups be said to belong to different  gentes ? If an individual from ScandinavianNorthern Germany could be described as belonging to other  gentes, the answer is yes. There clearly wereindividuals present who had adopted foreign ways and lifestyles, such as the Eastern archers, but dothey really represent particular   gentes ? Using stable isotopes of Sulphur, Carbon and Nitrogen it is now possible to ask questions about dietand possible place of origin. Linderholm, Hedenstierna-Jonson, Svensk and Lidén (2008) analysed 20 individuals from different burial-grounds in Birka,comparing the results with those from animal-bones from the Svarta jorden settlement area. TheBirka girl was examined in a separate study (Fjellström 2012; Hedenstierna-Jonson 2014). The results show differences in dietary patternsand possible places of origin between several of the individuals (Fig 3).Combining the results from the isotopeanalyses with the archaeological evidence of thematerial culture and social practices it is clear thatthe population in Birka was heterogeneous andcame from a widespread geographical area. Therewere most definitely foreigners amongst theinhabitants. The Locals?
The royal structures at Hovgården, Adelsö weresituated on the island closest to Birka. Generally considered to have functioned as theadministrative part of the Birka construct,Hovgården contained a royal manor (kungsgård),a group of great mounds and burial grounds (Rydh1917; 1936, chapter XII). One of the greatmounds, the Skopintull mound, has been excavated. Dated to the 10 th
century, Skopintull forms aninteresting parallel with contemporary burials from Birka. The grave goods included ‘oriental’ fittings for a belt (Hedenstierna-Jonson and Holmquist Olausson 2006), gaming pieces, a horse bridle and numerousanimals (Rydh 1936). In Birka objects of this character usually derive from chamber graves andinhumations, while Skopintull continues the regional burial traditions of the highest social strata:cremation, possibly including a boat / ship and a great-mound superstructure. There was a differencebetween identities and the perception of life and death seen in these two spaces. The monuments inHovgården represent different activities and power structures from those seen in Birka. Hovgårdencontinued to play an important part in the administration of the Mälar region after Birka’s demise. In asmall sense Hovgården and Adelsö embodied the hinterland of Birka. There is some hinterland even on the very island of Birka / Björkö. Recent excavations in Björkö by near the burial ground of Grindsbacka, located outside urban Birka, has revealed a farmstead or villagemore in tune with the development of the Mälar region than with Birka (Bäck 2012, 45–49, 59–61). The settlement existed simultaneously with the town-structures, and continued well beyond the durationof Birka. The people of Björkö by were more representative of their time and region, emphasising theunique character of Birka. Conclusion
Birka was a melting pot connecting people from different places and backgrounds. The archaeologicalmaterial reveals a society shaped by long-distance interactions and the cultural, religious, and socialcontacts that resulted. Birka was atypical of East Scandinavian Viking Age society, its closest parallelsand contacts being with other urban centres along the trade routes. It was people who created Birka andfilled it with activity, function and meaning; by interacting they defined and redefined both the site andthemselves. Given the many different facets of Birka, with its great variety of social practice and material culture,it is most likely that, at any given time, its population comprised individuals from different groups of peopleor  gentes . New influences and continual contact with others created constant influx of new identities When people settle in a new situation, where identities are defined by urban life, their roles and activitiesdepart from tradition and ties to rural society fade; origins may have become less important. As foreignerswere assimilated and became local the identities, and the inhabitants themselves, were in constant flux. The resulting archaeological traces are therefore ambiguous and can only allow us to scratch the surfaceof the ever complex question of human identities." ( 
Foreigner and Local: Identities andcultural expression among the urbanpeople of Birka Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson https://www.academia.edu/30728823/Foreigner_and_Local_Identities_and_cultural_ex...)

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